Friday, November 30, 2007

Spiritual Dimensions in Healing in Islamic Medicine


by Ibrahim B. Syed, Ph. D.
President
Islamic Research Foundation International, Inc.

The National Center for Complementary and Alternative Medicine (NCCAM), is the National Institutes of Health's (NIH) principal component for research on complementary and alternative medicine (CAM). NCCAM and the NIH Clinical Center are developing an integrative medicine which is a combination of mainstream medical therapies (Modern Medicine) and CAM therapies for which there is high-quality scientific evidence of safety and effectiveness. NCCAM encourages Homeopathy, Ayurveda, Aromatherapy, Herbal Medicine, Unani Medicine, Acupuncture, therapeutic touch, chiropractic, prayers and other religious practices, and other “alternative” therapies.

Recently there has been a tremendous surge in interest and publications in the field of spiritual medicine in the United States. An abundance of articles, books, and conferences in recent years have addressed the impact of spirituality on patient, physician, and health care. Modern studies indicate that Spiritual healing can help with any problem, mental, physical or emotional.

Due to the advancement of medical technology, modern medicine plays a dominant role in the treatment for acute medical conditions. However, certain forms of alternative medicines do work for certain medical conditions, when compared to the modern or conventional medicines. Many physicians and patients all over the world believe in the spiritual dimension in healing, such as the power of prayer as an adjunct or complementary Medicine to modern or conventional medicine.

Modern medicine and models of care are looking into, not only the fundamental spiritual dimension of care, but also the significance of spiritual development of the individual towards healing. The focus of this paper is to provide an awareness of Islamic health practices, health behaviours, code of ethics and the framework of Islamic perspectives of caring and spirituality. A brief overview of the Muslim world, the historical development in caring and health and the pillars of the Islamic faith provide the context of the paper. The development of a model of care based on the Islamic perspective is suggested.

To understand the Spiritual Dimensions in Healing in Islamic Medicine, we need to understand the articles of faith in Islam. These are: (1) Tawhid or belief in the Oneness of Allah (SWT) (2) Salat or contactual prayer (3) Siyam or Fasting during the month of Ramadan (4) Zakah or charity (5) Hajj or pilgrimage to Mecca.

Recent scientific research indicates that affirming belief in God or Allah (SWT) makes a critical contribution to our physical health. When people call upon faith, they activate neurologic pathways for self-healing. The Muslim prayer consists of contact prayer (salat), Zikr (Dhikr) or remembrance of Allah and recitation of the Qur'an. These elicit the physiologic relaxation response. Hajj and congregational Prayers serve to buffer the adverse effects of stress and anger, perhaps via psychoneuroimmunologic pathways. It is speculated that congregational prayers may trigger a multifactorial sequence of biological processes leading to better health. Studies have shown higher degrees of social connection (through family and friends or congregational prayers in the Masjid) consistently relate to decreased mortality. Zakah is altruism and in sharing the wealth, apart from the socio-economic benefits, the Muslims also garner better health. Doing good to others is also Zakah and those who volunteer their work find marked improvement in their health. Several studies have already documented the health benefits of fasting during the month of Ramadan.

This paper addresses the role of Spiritual Dimensions in healing the Muslim patients and examines the integration of Traditional (Complementary/Alternative) Medicine and Modern (Conventional) Medicine.

REFERENCE: http://www.islamset.com/ioms/cam/Abstracts/Ibrahim%20Syed.html

Islamic Healing

http://www.herbalhealing.co.uk/pictures/islam.jpg

Islam is one of largest religions in the world. It is known as a way of life which encompasses the Spiritual, Social and Economic way of life. Spiritual healers inherited the methods that God’s messengers were using, and from one generation to another have practiced these methods up to the present time. In the Islamic tradition, healers utilize both medicinal remedies and spiritual means. The spiritual techniques follow scientific principles, which utilize the patient’s latent energy and the power contained in the devotions and supplications and meditations of the prophets, messengers, and "wise men" of God.

Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) was once in a session where he was curing people through spiritual methods when he was asked whether or not remedies should be sought from medicines. He said, "Yes, you must seek remedy from medicine, because whatever disease God has created in this world, He has also created its remedy as well. But there is one disease for which He has not created any remedy, which is old age."
Each and every prescribed Quranic verse has its unique healing property, which differs from those of other verses.

About Energy And How Spiritual Healing Works

Spiritual healing is not at all a mysterious process but is in fact very straight forward, albeit often quite complex. The spiritual healing technique involves the energy field that exists around each of us. Everyone has an energy field or an aura that surrounds and interpenetrates the physical body. This field is intimately associated with the health of the human being.

In different cultures, energy is known by different names. The word "energy" is referred to as:

Ki in Japanese
Chi in Chinese
Prana in Hindi
Qudra in Arabic

Energy is the life breath transmitted to us from the Existing, Everlasting Superpower that overlooks human beings and all creation. Energy regulates our thought patterns and emotions, is the source of our life force and is the animating factor in all living beings. It circulates through our bodies and can be harnessed for healing. It is the source of all movement in the universe. When the human body loses its life breath the original energy (or life force) leaves it, allowing the body to decompose.

The body goes back to its earthen origins and the spirit returns to its angelic origin of spiritual energy. This energy is never lost and exists without the secret of its nature being understood by science and modern medicine.

This unknown spiritual energy is behind the life of every drop of blood in animate beings, the motion behind every living cell, and the driving force of constellations and galaxies. It carries unlimited perfect and complete powers, which are real, active and continuous. The action of this force is genuine because nothing can grow or live in the entire universe without its influence.

This is especially applicable on earth where no trees, grass, vegetation and indeed no life can exist without the intervention of this unknown, unseen energy. It is with this energy that a tiny plant pushes through the middle of a huge desert boulder. This energetic spiritual life force holds the organs, blood vessels, and all body parts in place. When the body’s life force diminishes, the anatomic relations of the body’s organs are altered and disrupted, which leads to pain, organ dysfunction and an overall deterioration of health.
The spiritual energetic life force creates an energy field around itself like a highly charged magnet or electrode. This force reflects its energy throughout the human body and becomes the driving life force behind all of its activities and processes. The life force not only energizes the body but also gives it its identity. As an atom is defined by its constituent electrons, protons, and neutrons--which are also its energy components--so too does the spiritual life force give energy and identity to the physical body.

The healing spiritual energy is analogous to a waterfall. If a waterfall is channeled in the right way, it can be harnessed to produce energy and give light. Similarly, if our blood flow is properly channeled through a balanced, equilibrated system, the driving force of that energy will augment the energy of the weak organs.

In those organs where the life force has been weakened and dissipated, spiritual healing will increase and activate these vital forces. The spiritual healing technique allows the life energies to be exponentially expanded to activate the ill member and heal it.

A similar phenomenon is seen in an atomic reaction, where tremendous power is released from the internal energy of the atom. The energy produced increases geometrically as the activated, energized atom spreads its energy to its neighbors, propagating a chain reaction of energy release. The same principle of the atomic reaction is used by spiritual healers to harness and activate the life force within the patient. Much in the same way that contemporary physicians direct lasers to heal affected areas of the body, spiritual healers access a similar chain reaction of the body’s existing energy, channeling it to the affected areas to heal pain and suffering.

When one organ begins to heal, the other organs use the released energy to activate and release their own inherent energy, which in turn promotes physiological equilibrium and relief from pain.

A healthy heart will sustain a weak body, but when the heart is weak and diseased--even in a young person--the body will not be healthy or live long. Therefore, maintaining the heart is the first priority for spiritual healers. Furthermore, maintaining the brain is also another important priority to keep the flow of messages functioning properly.

Islamic healing can be done through prayers, talismans or the seeking of an Islamic spiritual healer. Muslims believe that every line of the Holy Quran has the ability to heal; the key is your faith and intention. Spiritual healers use an inward approach to healing by applying spiritual techniques and methods to utilize the body’s own energy. The difference between the spiritual healers and the physician healers is that the former is healing from inside-to-outside while the latter is healing from outside-to-in. Each are doing good for their patients and both meet on the common ground of curing disease and relieving pain and suffering.

Before I complete this section I wish to address a tangent topic. Due to recent events i.e. the 9/11 attack in America, Islam has been seen as a destructive force rather than a healing force. I have found a short article while surfing the internet by a unknown writer which I feel makes interesting points about the violence in Islam and Western Cultures.


The tradition of spirtual healing

By Muzaffar Iqbal


Prayer can cause recovery from the pain of the heart, stomach, and intestines. There are three reasons for this. First, it is a divinely commanded form of worship. Second, it has a psychological benefit. This is because prayers divert mind from the pain and reduce its feeling whereby the power to repel [the cause of] pain is strengthened. Expert doctors try all means to strengthen this [natural] power – sometimes by feeding something, sometimes by inspiring hope, and sometimes by inspiring fear. Now, prayer [with concentration] combines most of these means of benefit, because it at once instills fear, self-effacing humility, love [of God], and remembrance of the Last Day."

SEPTEMBER 1998- Thus wrote the 14th century traditionalist and historian Abu `Abd Allah Muhammad al-Dhahabi in his Kitab al-Tibb (Book of Medicine). This emphasis on what can be termed "holistic medicine" in modern parlance – involving the spiritual, psychological, physical, and moral aspects of being – is the essence of Islamic medical tradition which traces its foundation to the revealed Book of God, the Qur'an, and to the Hadith, the sayings of the Prophet of Islam.

This integrated approach is not specific to health only; in the Islamic world view everything – including the heavens and the earth and all that is in between – is seen as a manifestation of the creative aspect of God to Whom everything, living or non-living, submits. At the heart of this worldview is the concept of Tawhid, the Unity of God, embodied in the first part of Shahada, the testimony of faith: La ilaha illa'Llah ("There is no god but God"). Everything in Islamic civilization, including the health sciences, has sprung forth from this fundamental statement which is an expression of the transcendence of divine unity.

This consciousness of the oneness of God is placed at the center of the Islamic worldview so as to act as a directing force which draws to itself all levels of manifest reality in the cosmic plane. To proclaim that there is no god but God is to testify that there is an essential unifying principle behind the apparent multiplicity of the universe which, in Islam, is not restricted to merely the observable and perceptible reality but goes beyond to the realm of the Unseen.

Because God alone is the sole arbitrator of everything that exists, both health and sickness are viewed as coming from God. "There is no disease that God has sent down, except that He has also sent down its treatment," says a famous Hadith (saying of the Prophet). God who has created sickness has also created treatments.

The famous verse (16:69) of the Qur'an about honey is an example of the Divine design in creation: "And thy Lord taught the Bee to build its cells in hills, on trees and in [human] habitations; then to eat of all the produce [of the earth], and follow the ways of Thy Lord made smooth: From their bellies comes a drink of different colors wherein is healing for mankind. Verily in this is a sign for those who reflect."

Scientific research teaches that the process of healing involves the physical as well as the spiritual and psychological domains of human existence. The tradition of spiritual healing in Islam is based on the recognition of the effect of spiritual health on the physical body. The body itself is seen as a mere receptacle for the spirit, which alone constitutes the immortal part of human existence. The body is healthy if the spirit is healthy, and the spirit is healthy if it is not in conflict with the Divine Writ. The submission of the spirit to the Divine commandment produces a harmony in the soul and body which makes all the limbs and organs function properly.

Rhazes (c.251/865-313/925), whose treatise on measles and smallpox is well known in the West, used to treat the maladies of the soul along with those of the body. In his book on the relationship of soul and body, translated into English as Spiritual Physick, he devoted 20 chapters to descriptions of various illnesses that beset the body and soul.

Avicenna (370/980-428/1037), honored in the West with the title of "Prince of Physicians," the author of the monumental Canon of Medicine (al-Qanun fi't-Tibb), is known to have practiced the art of healing with the help of spiritual guidance. The Book of Healing (Kitab al-Shifa), Avicenna's second most important work after the Canon, presents a unique synthesis of the Greek, Persian, Indian, and Islamic practices of healing.

Avicenna based his system of medicine on the equilibrium of the four humors (following Hippocrates): blood, phlegm, yellow bile, and black bile. These four humors were then related to the four elements (fire, air, water, and earth) of the natural world. Avicenna believed that the human spirit has been constituted with the power of restoring balance in the body, and that the task of medicine is merely to aid this process. The process of regaining health is, therefore, greatly facilitated by the use of practices which produce spiritual healing.

The system of spiritual healing is related to the cosmic order in the universe through the basic doctrine of the correspondence between all levels of reality, as Seyyed Hossein Nasr has pointed out in his book, Science and Civilization in Islam:

There is in the Hermetico-alchemical natural philosophy – which was always closely tied to medicine in Islam – a basic doctrine of the correspondence between all the various orders of reality: the intelligible hierarchy, the heavenly bodies, the order of numbers, the parts of the body, the letters of the alphabet which are the "elements" of the Sacred Book, etc. The seven cervical and the 12 dorsal vertebrae correspond to the seven planets and the 12 signs of the Zodiac, as well as to the days of the week and the months of the year. The total number of discs of the vertebrae, which they consider to be 28, correspond to the letters of the Arabic alphabet and the stations of the moon.

In Avicenna's medical theory, the human body is composed of three units: the Physical system, the Nervous system, and the Vital system. The Vital system conditions and suitably prepares the Vital Force for the sensory and motor function of the brain. This system is centered in the heart and functions through it.

The human body, according to the Islamic world view, is a weak vessel made of clay (Qur'an: 55:14), a frail material covering, enslaved by the carnal woes. Within the body, the heart is the seat of knowledge and consciousness. It is a lump of flesh, placed in a central void, a regular oscillation – from which flow all emotions and causes of actions. If the heart is sick, the whole body is sick.

Healing through supplications, prayers, and fasting is a well-established tradition in Islam. This is based on the fact that in Islam, humans are viewed as entities in which body and soul are united. The soul has its own maladies (like forgetfulness of the Divine presence, greed, jealousy etc.) and the body has its own ailments but both are combined in one living entity: the human being. Both act on each other and through each other. This unique integration of body and spirit is then linked to the rest of the universe through an elaborate system of levels of reality reaching up to the Divine presence.

"The best gift from God to mankind is good health," Prophet Muhammad once said. "Everyone should reach that goal by preserving it for now and the future." The fact that both health and illness are seen in Islam as coming from God has closely linked the art of healing to worship. The one who practices the art of healing does this for the sake of God’s pleasure. The physician and the patient are thus united through a spiritual bond.

According to a Hadith, God will say on the Day of Judgment: "O Son of Adam, I was sick but you did not visit me." "My Lord! how could I visit you when You are the Lord of the whole world," we will reply. God will say: "Did you not know that so-and-so from among my servants [i.e. human beings] was sick, but you never visited him or her? Did you not know that if you had visited, you would have found me there?" This high consciousness of the Divine, and the spiritual benefit of visiting the sick, is further elaborated by another Hadith-e Qudsi (a narration in which God speaks directly, but the words are attributed to the Prophet) in which God says: "O my servant! Health unites you with yourself but sickness unites you to me."

_____________

Presently director of scientific research at the Pakistan Academy of Sciences, Muzaffar Iqbal has previously held academic and research positions at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, McGill University and University of Saskatchewan. He was editor of Islamic Thought and Scientific Creativity (1991-96) , a journal in the field of Islam and Science, and director of scientific information, Committee on Scientific and Technological Cooperation, Organization of Islamic Conference (COMSTECH). He is the author/editor of more than fifty works including Science in Islamic Polity in the Twenty-first Century (ed.) (Islamabad: COMSTECH, 1995); Health and Medical Profile of the Muslim World (Islamabad: COMSTECH, 1993), Possible Strategy for Energy Mixes in the Muslim World (Co-ed.) (Islamabad: COMSTECH, 1994); Mineral Profile of the Muslim World (ed.) (Islamabad: COMSTECH, 1995). He has also published papers on the history of philosophy of science, history of Islamic science, and the relationship between Islam and science in various journals.

FURTHER READING:

Rhaman, Fazalur, Health and Medicine in the Islamic Tradition (New York: Crossroad, 1987).

Rhazes, The Spiritual Physick of Rhazes, translated by A. J. Arberry in the Wisdom of the East Series (London: John Murray, 1950)

Nasr, Seyyed Hossein Science and Civilization in Islam, second ed. (Lahore: Suhail Academy, 1987).


from: http://www.science-spirit.org/

Wednesday, November 28, 2007

Medieval Islam

Islamic cultures are among the most interesting, complex, and dynamic in the world. At the same time, they are among the least known in the West. From its dramatic rise in the seventh century A. D. to the present, Islamic civilization has covered a large part of the globe, incorporating many subcultures and languages into its orbit, and vigorously engaging the peoples around it.

Medicine was a central part of medieval Islamic culture. Disease and health were of importance to rich and poor alike, as indeed they are in every civilization. Responding to circumstances of time and place, Islamic physicians and scholars developed a large and complex medical literature exploring and synthesizing the theory and practice of medicine. This extensive literature was not specialized in the sense that modern medical literature is. Rather, it was integrated with learned traditions in philosophy, natural science, mathematics, astrology, alchemy, and religion.

Islamic medicine was built on tradition, chiefly the theoretical and practical knowledge developed in Greece and Rome. For Islamic scholars, Galen (d. ca. 210 AD) and Hippocrates (5th century BC) were pre-eminent authorities, followed by Hellenic scholars in Alexandria. Islamic scholars translated their voluminous writings from Greek into Arabic and then produced new medical knowledge based on those texts. In order to make the Greek tradition more accessible, understandable, and teachable, Islamic scholars ordered and made more systematic the vast and sometimes inconsistent Greco-Roman medical knowledge by writing encyclopedias and summaries.

Islamic medicine drew upon Hellenic medical tradition to form its own. Likewise, medieval and early modern scholars in Europe drew upon Islamic traditions and translations as the foundation for their medical enterprise. It was through Arabic translations that the West learned of Hellenic medicine, including the works of Galen and Hippocrates. Of equal if not of greater influence in Western Europe were systematic and comprehensive works such as Avicenna's Canon of Medicine, which were translated into Latin and then disseminated in manuscript and printed form throughout Europe. During the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries alone, the Canon of Medicine was published more than thirty-five times.

As noted earlier, medieval Islamic medicine was not an appendage of Islamic culture but rather immersed in it. This means, among other things, that Islamic medicine participated fully in the Islamic traditions of book-making, including calligraphy, illustration, paper making, and binding.

Because copying the Qur'an was an act of piety, calligraphy for even non-religious subjects came to be more than the mere reproduction of texts--it was and is a form of applied and even fine art, engrossing readers and writers alike.

Islamic illustration practices tended to be adopted from the Byzantine and Persian cultures and to have an ambivalent and particularly complex history within Islamic culture.

Islam learned paper making from China but made the fateful decision to use linen as the raw material for paper, rather than mulberry bark, or other organic matter. The transfer of Chinese technology and the innovation in the use of linen provided a writing material more economical than parchment and more durable than papyrus. It was from Islam that the rest of the world learned to make paper from linen.

Except for the paper manufacturing, binding is the Islamic book craft least studied historically. Until more research on it is done, we can say that Islamic craftsmen and artists developed characteristic book-binding forms, most of which were functional--providing protection to paper and ink--with some being decorative, at times of a very high order.

from: http://www.nlm.nih.gov/hmd/arabic/med_islam.html

Tuesday, November 27, 2007

ABSTRACTS OF CONTRIBUTION OF ISLAMIC MEDICINE TO UROLOGY

Dr. A.M. Dajani
JORDAN

The aim of this paper is twofold; to review the most important contribution to urology by Arabian and Muslim Physicians and to refute the frequent denials by many scholars of their role in this field.

Picturing Muslim Physicians simply as transcriptors of Greek, Roman and Indian medicine has been refuted by many scholars. To the contrary, they had enriched medicine by their experience and deligence and became the discoverers and exporters of knowledge, which lit the way to modern European civilization.

Al Razi, Ibn Sina and Al Zahrawi top the list of these physicians, and of equal importance, though less renowned, we find that Ibn al Quff, Thabet Ibn Ourrah, Al Magousy, Al Tabary and others had also made great contributions witnessed in their works.

ANATOMY:
Al Magousy, Ibn Sinas and Ibn Hubal gave a detailed account of the anatomy of the bladder and of the intramural part of the ureter, which is no different of what we know now. They also drew the attention to the importance of such an arrangement in the prevention of vesico-ureteric reflux. It is interesting to note that nearly a thousand years later this same observation was made by another renowned scholar of Arab descendence viz. E. Tanagho. Both Ibn Hubal and Ibn Sina stressed the importance of the muscle 'at the mouth of the bladder' which on voluntary relaxation allows urine to flow out during micturitions.

Ibn al Quff described the value of the cremasteric muscles in keeping up the two testicles and preventing their dangling.

Al Magousy is said to be the first to describe such anomalies like hypospadias, epispadias and hermaphroditism. He also described the arteries to the penis and their role in erection.

The description by Ibn Sina that 'the-bladder contracts in every direction and squeezes out urine while the muscle at its mouth relaxes' does not differ from what we know now about the principles of the act of micturition.

RENAL STONES:
Muslim Physicians had devoted a lot of their attention to this subject. They tried to explain the way of their formation and described their signs and symptoms. They also described, for the first time, operations to remove such stones or to break them; and advised certain medications to treat stone patients and to prevent formation of such stones.

STONE FORMATION:
In trying to explain that Ibn Ourrah attributed it to the narrow opening of the kidney or of the bladder, and that the nidus on top of which further deposition might occur was viscid material found in urine as a result of ingestion of heavy food. Ibn Sina mentioned that inflammation of the kidney might end in stone formation. Al Razi on the other hand believed that calcification of pus resulting from ulceration of the kidney might initiate the process; and that stones might be formed either in the kidney substance, in the pelvis of the kidney, or in both. According to Ibn Ourrah, stones start as small bodies and enlarge by time.

This is what we actually know nowadays of the presence of a nidus albeit pus, blood etc., on which salts are deposited. We are also aware of the importance of obstruction and infection in the aetiology of stone formation.

Both Ibn Sinas and Al Zahrawi had agreed that bladder stones are common in children and that kidney stones occurred in the elderly. This is similar to what we know nowadays of the prevalence of stones in children of many of the Third World Countries.

The two physicians also agreed that bladder stones were less in women as their bladder passages are less tortuous, shorter and wider.

SIGNS AND SYMPTOMS OF STONES:
According to both Ibn Sina and Al Razi, pain is worse when stones are formed or during their passage down to the bladder, otherwise patients "feel heaviness in the flanks". This is very similar to how we describe pain due to the stones.

Ibn Sina made a very clear differentiation between kidney and bladder stones, which did not differ either with that of Al Razi, or of Al Zahrawi (Table 1).

Muslim physicians had mastered differentiation between many diseases and Ibn Sina as well as Al Razi before him, though in more detail, gave us a perfect description of differential diagnosis between colonic and renal pain (Table 2) which we believe is no different from what we teach now.

TREATMENT OF STONES:
Al Razi advised giving sedatives during the attack of colic and later drugs, which help to move the stones once the pain had subsided.

Ibn al Quff believed that treatment of large stones was easier for the following three reasons:

  1. The large ones stop at the beginning of the urethra and in fact remain in the bladder.
  2. It is easier to palpate the large one.
  3. Surgery is more tolerated in-patients with the large one as they had got used to the pain.

Al Razi quoting Al Tabbary, Abu Khaled Al Faresy and Bukhtaishoua mentioned the following substances as useful for breaking stones; juice of radish leaves: caper: Prunus mahaleb: water of soaked chick peas: bitter almonds etc., lbn Qurrah and al Antaki added the Jewish Stone and Rubus Sanctus, etc., to the list. In addition in the margin of Tathkaret Daoud (p.92) the following were said to be useful -Alkekenge, Rubus friticosus, diuretics and honey.

SURGERY:
According to Springle, Al Zahrawi was the first to remove a bladder stone transvaginally, and the Lithotomy operation was devised by him. S. Hamarneh remarked about the latter that it was a great step in surgery. (Fig. 1 ).

Both Al Razi and Al Zahrawi gave a detailed description of the operation for the removal of bladder stones and stressed that the internal wound should be smaller than the external one to prevent leakage of urine and that no force should be used.

Al Razi even advised extracting the stone by means of "a forceps" or breaking it to pieces before removal.

Both Al Razi and Al Zahrawi had pointed out the difficulty of operating on women and Ibn Al Quff gave five reasons for that:

  1. She may be a virgin and one cannot introduce the finger in the vagina in search of the stone.
  2. A woman would rarely accept surgery and her tolerance of pain is less.
  3. Women are usually shy.
  4. The incision is more difficult and dangerous as the site of the stone is farther.
  5. She may be pregnant and surgery will harm the foetus.

Commenting on the advice by Maysosen to use forceps for extracting the stone after incision, Al Razi believed that method was better as it would cause less laceration.

Ibn Sina on the other hand did not advise surgery because "it is very dangerous" This is in agreement with Ibn al Quff's opinion who added that wounds after kidney operations would not heal because of the continued passage of urine.

URETHRAL STONES:
Al Razi's advice to pull the skin of the penis forwards before direct incision on the stone to prevent fistula formation is similar to that of Al Zahrawi's. Both advised tying a thread behind the stone thus preventing it from slipping back into the bladder. To avoid laceration to the external meatus if the stone is near the tip Al Razi advised meatotomy, the procedure that is followed today.

In case of retention of urine due to a stone stuck in the urethra Al Zahrawi devised the following (Fig. 2) and method by which he had avoided surgery on many occasions.

"Take a steel probe with a sharp and pointed triangular end and with a long handle. Tie a thread behind the stone... introduce the probe gently till you reach the stone and try to penetrate it bit by bit... until you make a hole through it. Urine comes out immediately. Press on the stone from outside to crush it... The patient is thus cured... If you do not succeed then operate".

Commenting on that Spink and Lewis said -"This device of Albucasis does seem to have been in a manner a true lithotripsy many centuries earlier than our modern era and completely lost sight of and not even mentioned by the great middle-age surgeons Franco and Parei, nor by Frere Come the doyen of genitourinary surgery".

PREVENTION OF STONE FORMATION:
Ibn Qurrah advised avoiding heavy food and drinks, taking things which would clear the passage and cause diurese.g. seeds of melon, squirting cucumber, raddish seeds, cumin, bitter almonds; and many others.

This advice was also given by Al Razi.

This is what we nowadays advise for stone patients regarding diet, hydration and diuresis.

CIRCUMCISION:
We believe that the four methods of circumcision described by Ibn al Quff are the basis of what we practice at the present time. His description of (a round object of the size of the prepuce to be put below it in order to stretch it and push the glans to inside) can be considered the original genuine prototype of the present day Gumko. Also (...to tie the prepuce with a fine thread so that the glans can be pushed to inside...) can be considered the principle of the plastic capstan used for circumcision. Al Zahrawi prefers using the scissors for cutting (... because cutting will be proportionate and at the same level...)(Fig. 3).

HYPOSPADIAS AND IMPERFORATE EXTERNAL MEATUS:
Both Al Zahrawi and ibn al Quff had stressed the importance of these conditions (...Some children are born with no opening to the glans... if there is one there may be a downward curvature, 'chordee'... each is harmful. The first causes retention of urine while the latter affects fertility as sperms are emitted at an angle...).

Al Zahrawi described the anomaly as a very bad disfigurement and added (... the child cannot urinate forward until he lifts up the penis). This is a very clear picture of the anomaly and of its ill effects, as we know today. The benefit of repeated dilatation of the narrow external meatus was also stressed by Al Zahrawi. (Fig. 4) Regarding the surgical treatment of the anomaly, we do not believe that either physician was successful in introducing an acceptable procedure.

SURGERY AND SURGICAL INSTRUMENTS:
The famous surgeon E. Forge, praised Al Zahrawi for compiling all contemporary surgical knowledge in his great work Al Tasreef. Al Zahrawi described some operations for which he can be considered a leader in surgery. He also invented many instruments of his own. In addition to the previously described operations he must have the merit of being the first to recommend what we now know as the Trendelenburg's position which was adopted from him and named after by the German Surgeon.

He is mentioned as having described urinary diversion to the rectum in males and to the vagina in females.

Al Razi described operations on the bladder, urethra and the treatment of complications of such operations.

Before those two surgeons, Al Magousy, in addition to describing urethral anomalies and their treatment, is said to be the first who described perineal cystolithotomy.

However no advancement was made in the treatment of varicocele and hydrocele.

Regarding surgical instruments, Kirkup said that the first application of the modification of the handle of an instrument was the dental forceps made by Al Zahrawi. Commenting on the use of Al Zahrawi of the scissors for circumcision, Spink and Lewis said (...it may, therefore, be attributed to the Arabs; that is the application if not the actual invention...). The Methkab devised by Al Zahrawi can also be considered an instrument for lithotripsy.

CATHETERS:
Tucker denied that any improvement on catheters had been made before the beginning of the eighteenth century, and that the anatomy of the urethra was not taken into consideration. This is clearly refuted by the Muslim Physician's description of the catheter regarding its size, shape and malleability, together with the material of which it was made.(Fig. 5)

Again while J. Herman had denied that any improvement was made in the field of catheters we find that Ibn Sina had advised that more than one hole should be made for irrigation and drainage and that it should be of a round head.

In addition our Muslim Physicians had described very beautifully what could be considered irrigation syringes with negative pressure effect. (Fig. 6). We also find that Ibn Sina had advised caution and gentleness during catheterisation to avoid urethral injuries, not as Tucker had described that the patient was at the mercy of the size of the catheter.

Commenting on the irrigation of the bladder, Spink and Lewis wrote -(This chapter on irrigation of the bladder is both more comprehensive than any classical description and of the utmost original value. Celsus and Paulus merely give a few lines or a paragraph, but Albucasis devotes a whole chapter with splendid illustrations. (Fig. 7)

DILATORS:
The importance of urethral dilatation and the indication that the Arabs were the first to use the dilators and to stress their importance are well documented.

URINE:
As modern techniques for chemical, microscopical and bacteriological examination of urine were not available to them, Muslim Physicians had to rely upon the physical characteristics of urine and were able to draw very important conclusions. Thus Al Razi considered that urine reflected the circulation in the urinary system. Muslim Physicians laid down strict rules for the collection of urine, which do not differ, from what we advise today.

Al Razi advised examining urine for colour, consistency, deposit, taste, clarity, touch etc., and he divided each into different subdivisions and then specified the cause and the meaning of each. Haematuria with epithelial debris and foul smelling urine denoted cystitis, which might be associated with pain in the suprapubic region. In case of arthritis there might be discharge with burning along the shaft during micturition.

Both Al Razi and Ibn Sina described different types of frequency and polyuria including diabetes, the later stressed the importance of a pelvic mass pressing on the bladder causing such a disturbance.

Both physicians attributed nocternal enuresis to the laxity of the bladder neck muscles and the sphincter together with deep sleep. They advised for treatment limitation of fluid intake and light food at bed as many advise nowadays. Ibn al Quff added that involuntary urination can be due to spinal injury (neuropathic bladder).

Urinary retention could be due to obstruction at the bladder neck due to blood clot, a stone or a new growth. Both Al Tabary and Al Razi differentiated very clearly between the different types of anuria whether of kidney origin due to ureteric obstruction or bladder neck obstruction; they also stressed the importance of the presence or absence of a round globular mass (bladder) in the suprapubic region. In addition Al Razi described azotaemia, gangrene of the scrotum and haemoglobinuria.

TREATMENT BY HERBS:
Muslim Physicians had copied many prescriptions from ancient medicine and added very many of their own as seen in (Table 3).

SUMMARY
This review demonstrates how Muslim Physicians had contributed to and improved on the progress of medicine in the field of urology.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I am grateful to Dean A. AL-Badry and Prof. A. Daher for their comments. I am also thankful to Miss M.O. Mabrouk, Miss S. Abdullat of the Faculty of Agriculture and to Miss I. Rida our Librarian for helping in getting the references.

Mr. E. Bataineh and the Photographic Section of the University Library were kind to take photographs and make slides out of the microfilm.

Prof. B. Abu Rumaileh of the Faculty of Agriculture was very helpful in producing the scientific names of the herbs and plants.

Table 1
Differentiation between Kidney Stone and Bladder Stones


Kidney Stone

Bladder Stone

Description

Softer, smaller, reddish

Harder, larger, grey-greyish white coarse. May be as small particles and more than one.

Patient

Obese, elderly

Usually thin (boys) Infancy - adolescence.

Pain

Worse during formation or movement to bladder. Radiation to groin means movement, stops when stone in bladder.

Less except if causing retention.

Itching and pain along penis and its base.

Pain in hypogastrium.

The patient plays with his penis.

Urine

Turbid then clears, or remains turbid with deposit.

Lighter in colour but with deposit, may contain gravel.

Mixed with blood if stone is big or coarse.

Dysuria with small one (aneck), Frequency.

Associated complaint

Parasthesia over ipsilateral thigh.

May have prolapse of rectum.

Table 2
Differentiation between Colonic Pain and Renal Pain


Colonic

Renal

Severity

Severe

Little, like thorns

Site

Begins below on the right, extends up to the left; more in front and in hypogastrium.

Begins high in the back, with dysuria, extends slightly downwards, more in the back.

Pain in ipsilateral testicle.

Time

Sudden, eases on defecation, worse on eating

Gradual, severe at end, may be worse on defecation.

Radiation

To any part of abdomen.

Steady in place.

Chills

Not present

Frequent

Agreeable & Unagreeable

Wind and stools ease the pain.

Do not ease pain.

Medications to break the stone

No effect

Ease it.

Stools

Hard scybala, or like dunge of cows.

May be no constipation.

Accompanying symptomis:

Pain in lower limbs & back Anorexia, biliary vomit, severity of pain, Drowsiness Relief by vomiting

Less

More

More

More

Less

Less

Causes & indications:

Overeating, Bad food, colic, Borborygmi, Constipation

Turbid urine, Burning

Precede

Precede

Table 3
Herbs and Plants used by Muslim Physicians

Diuretics

Disintegration of Stones

Dribbling of Urine

Dysuria

To increase Sperms

Artemesia absenthium

Ammoniacum resina

Cucumis melo var.

Flexuosus (seeds) Cucumis sativus (seeds)

Ficus carica

Opopanax

Eruca sativa Mill

Ceratonia siliqua

Punica granatum

Crocus sp.

Andropogon nardus

Sagapenum

Fumaria officinalis

Alkekenge

Struthium

Malva sylvestris

Apium graveolens

Cuminum cyminum

Solidago virgaurea

Cucumis melo

Anethum

Graveolens

Raddish (leaves)

Water of chick Peas

Prunus amygdalus

Prunus mahaleb

Capparis

Alkekenge

Rubus sanctus

Juglans regia

Matricaria chamomilla

Phoenix dactylifera

REFERENCES

  1. AL MARZOUGI, M.: "Bulletin of Islamic Medicine", Vol. 1, 2nd. Ed., Kuwait, 1981, p. 85.
  2. HIJAZI, A.R.: Ibid, p. 99.
  3. BARCELO, J.L.: Ibid, p. 96.
  4. HUNKE, (Dr.) S.: "Allah Sonne Uber Dem Abendland Unser Arabishes Erbe", Arabic Translation: Baydoun, F. and Dasougi, K. The Trading Office, Beirut, 1969, pp. 217-269.
  5. BICKERS, W.: "J. Roy. Col. Surg. Irel", 5:5-14, 1969.
  6. IBRAHIM, A. (PASHA). ("In the foreword, Al Tib Al Araby. Khairallah, (Dr.) A.A.") American Press, Beirut, 1946.
  7. AL MAGOUSY, A.: Cited by Hanafi et al. "Urology", 8:63-67, 1976.
  8. IBN SINA: "Al Qanun", Dar Sader, Beirut. Vol. 2, p. 508.
  9. IBN HUBAL AL BAGHDADI A.: "Al Mukhtarat Fi Tib", 1st, Ed. Ottoman Educational Society Press, Hydar Abad Deccan, 1362 H. Vol. 1, p. 60.
  10. TANAGHO, E.: Cited by Hanafi et al, 1976.
  11. IBN AL QUFF: '"Al Umdah Fi.1 Gereha", 1st. Ed. Ottoman Dept. of Education, Hydar Abad Deccan, 1937. Vol. 1, p. 78.
  12. IBN SINA: "Al Qanun", Vol. 2, p. 515.
  13. IBN QURRAH, T.: "Al Thakhira Fi Tib", Cairo Press, 1928, p. 107.
  14. IBN SINA: "Al Qanun", Vol. 2, 492.
  15. AL RAZI: "Al Hawi Fi Tib", New Series, Ottoman Dept. of Education 4, 10. 1st. -d. Hydar Abad Deccan, Vol 10, p. 140.
  16. AL ZAHRAWI, A: "Al Tasreef", Microfilm 610,956, Jordan University Library.
  17. IBN SINA: "Al Qanun", Vol. 2, p. 500.
  18. AL RAZI: "Al Hawi Fi Tib", Vol., 10 p. 94.
  19. IBN SINA: "Al Qanun", Vol. 2, p. 509
  20. AL RAZI: "Al Hawi Fi Tib", Vol. 10, p. 125.
  21. Ibid, p. 92.
  22. IBN AL QUFF: "Al Umdah Fi'l Geraha", Vol. 2. 2, p. 209.
  23. AL RAZI: "Al Hawi Fi Tib". Vol. 10, pp. 128 & 133.
  24. IBN QURRAH, T.: "Al Thakhira Fi Tib", Cairo Press, 1928, p. 128.
  25. AL ANTAKI, D.: "Tathkarat Uli'l Albab wa'l Jamea Li'l Ajab Al Ujab", Al Bali Al Halaby & Sons' Pres. 1952, Vol. 1, p. 118.
  26. Ibid, in the Margin, p. 92.
  27. SPRINGLE: Cited by Khairallah (Dr.) A.A., 1946, p. 174.
  28. HAMARNEH, S.: Ibid.
  29. AL RAZI: "Al Hawi Fi Tib", Vol. 10, p. 113.
  30. Ibid, p.129.
  31. IBN SINA: "Al Qanun", Vol. 2, p. 510.
  32. IBN AL QUFF: "Al Umdah Fi'l Geraha", Vol. 2, p. 99.
  33. AL RAZI: "Al Hawi Fi Tib", Vol. 10, p. 144
  34. SPINK, M.S. and LEWIS, G.L.: "Albucasis on Surgery and Instruments", London, Welcome Institute of the History of Medicine, Vol. 12, p. 411, 1973.
  35. AL RAZI: "Al Hawi Fi Tib", Vol. 10, p. 146.
  36. IBN AL QUFF: "Al Umdah Fi'l Geraha", Vol. 2, p. 206.
  37. IBN AL QUFF: "Al Umdah Fi'l Geraha", Vol. 2, p. 205.
  38. FORGE, E.: Quoted by Q.M. Al Haj Mohammad. "Al Mojaz Lima Adafahu Al Arab Fi Tib wal Uloum Al Mutaallekata beh", Al Ershad Press, Baghdad, 1974, p. 34.
  39. HUNKE, (Dr.) S.: "Allah Sonne Uber Abendland Unser Arabisches Erbe", Arabic Translation: Baydoun, F. and Dasougi, K. The Trading Office, Beruit, 1969. p. 278.
  40. NABRI, A.I.: "Annals of Roy. CoIl. Surg", England. 65: 132-134, 1983.
  41. KIRKUP, J.: Ibid, pp. 269-273.
  42. SPINK, M.S. and Lewis, G.L.: "Albucasis on Surgery and Instruments", London, Welcome Institute of the History of Medicine, Vol. 12, p. 399, 1973.
  43. Ibid, p. 421.
  44. TUCKER, R.A.: "Urology", 20:346, 1982.
  45. IBN SINA: "Al Qanun", Vol. 2, pp. 522-523.
  46. IBN AL QUFF: "Al Umdah Fi'l Geraha", Vol. 208.
  47. AL MAGOUSY: Cited By Khairallah, A.A.: "Al Tib Al Araby". American Press, Beitut 946, p. 145.
  48. AL RAZI: "Al Hawi Fi Tib", Vol. 10, p. 166.
  49. HERMAN, J.R.: "Urology A View Through Retrospectroscope", Medical Dept., Harper and Row Publishers, New York, Evanston, San Francisco, London, 1973, p. 36.
  50. SPINK, M.S. and LEWIS, G.L.: "Albucasis on Surgery and Instruments", London. Wellcome Institute of the History of Medicine, Vol. 12, p. 407, 1973.
  51. ZADAH, T.: "AL Shaqa'ea Al Nu'maneya Fi Akhbar Al Dawlah Al Othmaneya", Dar Al Kitab Al Araby, Beirut 1975, p. 137.
  52. HUNKE, (Dr.) S.: "Allah Sonne Uber Dem Abendland Unser Arabisches Erbe", Arabic Translation: Baydoun, F. and Dasougi K. The Trading Office, Beirut, 1969, p. 241.
  53. AL RAZI: "Al Hawi Fi Tib", Vol. 19, p. 1.
  54. IBN HUBAL: "Al Mukhtarat Fi Tib", Ottoman Education Press, Hydar Abad Deccan, 1st. Ed., Vol. 1, p.171, 1362 H.
  55. AL RAZI: "Al Hawi Fi Tib". Vol. 19, p. 14.
  56. AL RAZI: "Al Hawi Fi Tib". Vol. 10, p. 10.
  57. AL RAZI: "AL Hawi Fi Tib". Vol. 19, p. 31.
  58. AL RAZI: "Al Hawi Fi Tib". Vol. 10, p. 6.
  59. IBN QURRAH, T.: Quoted by hanafi et al. "Urology". 8:63, 1976.
  60. AL RAZI: "Al Hawi Fi Tib". Vol. 10, p. 192.
  61. IBN SINA: "Al Qanun". Vol. 2, p. 525.
  62. IBN SINA: "Al Qanun". Vol. 2. p. 526.
  63. AL RAZI: "Al Hawi Fi Tib". Vol. 10, p. 197.
  64. IBN AL QUFF: "Al Umdah Fi.l Geraha". Vol. 2, p. 144.
  65. AL TABARY: Quoted by Hanifi et al. "Urology", 8: 63-67, 1976.
  66. AL RAZI: "Al Hawi Fi Tib". Vol. 10, p. 167.
  67. AL RAZI: Cited by Hanafi et al. "Urology", 8:63-67, 1976.
  68. IBN AL QUFF: "Al Umdah Fi'l Geraha", Vol. 1, pp. 210-265.

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THE ISLAMIC MEDICINE: ITS ROLE IN THE WESTERN RENAISSANCE

Hijazi Abdul Rahim

Lebanon, France

At the end of the fifteenth century, an intellectual, cultural and scientific movement covered the whole of Europe and the Renaissance originated from it. The medical science belongs to this movement. It played an important role, thanks to many medical schools, which were established in Europe.

The Islamic medicine played a decisive role in the establishment and in the development of the Europe an schools, more particularly in Salerno to the South of Italy and in Montpellier and Paris in France.

Nevertheless, the greater part of the French historic works do not know the role played by the Islamic medicine, as well as its scientific and historic importance. Few historians note the role played by the Arab medicine in the establishment of the Salernitan School and of the school of Montpellier. On the other and, most authors concur in the denial of the existence of an Islamic medicine in the basic meaning of the word. They admit, that the Arabs have translated Greek and Indian works and that they have transmitted them later on to Europe through Spain.

In the medical and pharmaceutic history of Laignel- Lavastine and in the chapter about the Islamic medicine', the author Sanjurjo D'arellano says, "there is strictly speaking no Arab medicine but an abundant compilation written in Arab by Persians, Jews or Christians". Darembers, points out: "more ver, after so to speak replacing the Greek dress by the Arab dress, the science still was Galenic throug the doctrines, as the Arab medicine as a whole is only a translation or a travesty of the Greek medicine". Bareiety and Courych think, "The main but not the only merit of the Arab medicine is the keepin and the transmission of many Greek and even Latin texts, which had been forgotton or lost during th first half of the Middle Ages". Castiglioni , "with the penetration of the Arab streams, the old tradition Italic origin, which blends with the Greek medicine wearing new clothes, still holds good". Reuter de Ro emont5, ' 'the works of the Arabs can be regarded as the compilation of Dioscorides, of Galen and of the ones known at this time". Alexander Aimes6, "the Byzantine school knew compilers only... It will no reappear before the tenth century through Rhazes and Avicenna, Abulcassis (twelfth century) and A enzoar (thirteenth century) whose great merit was to transmit the works of the Greeks to the Salerni an School". Barbillon, "the inferiority of the Arab Science is obvious. Servility, fanaticism and supers ition prevent the mind from striding. No anatomical discovery, no progress in the physiology a few origina writings about the pulse, the eruptive fevers and the chronic deseases of the skin, the utilization of a new harmacopoeia, such is approximately the achievement of the Arab science. On the other hand, there are many unnecessary discussions, futile quarrels, childish quibbles in their works".

But looking at the phenomenon closely, it can be asserted that the Arabs not merely translated the Greek works. To the world, they have given doctors worthy of the name and to the medicine, they have given a for and a content unknown to the previous peoples and their medical schools were the example followed by the West, giving to its own schools the same organization and teaching the same programs. We are going to examine the Islamic medicine in the tenth century, then the part played by it in the European Medicine and consequently, in the European awakening and in the Renaissance.

THE ISLAMIC MEDICINE IN THE TENTH CENTURY

As far back as the tenth century, the Islamic medicine took three elements as a basis:

(a) A new Medical Organization
(b) A new Medicine
(c) A new pharmacopoeia

(a) THE MEDICAL ORGANIZATION:

Contra to the Greeks, this organization was made up of; a school where theory was taught, a library often full of books arid works of any kind and a hospital where it was learnt to examine the patient and to identify the illness. The hospitals of Baghdad, Ray and Ibn Toulon are just a few examples among other ones.
Furthermore, this organization required from any person wishing to practice medicine to have an authorization granted by a jury presided over by a scientist. This jury was also entitled to withdraw this authorization, if the knowledge of the doctor were regarded as insufficient.

(b) A NEW MEDICINE

Based, like with the Ancients, on the observation but defining each illness by several symptoms. This system enabled them to describe several new illnesses such as: the variola described by Rhazes and Avicen a, the measles, the Spina Ventosa, the smallpox, the pleurisy etc... The medical books were not only translations. The "Continent" of Rhazes 'was made up of 70 books and included the whole medical knowledge of the tenth century .The Canon of Avicenna has unquestionably remained the reference book during the whole middle ages. If Avicenna was called "Le Cheik-al-Rais" in the East, he was called "the rince of Doctors" in the West

(c) A NEW PHARMACOPOEIA

The Arabs are the fathers of pharmacy. They have discovered many matters and they have developed veral medicaments. They also organized the pharmacy and the laws of this science. This canoe f und in a book, the title of which is "Nichajat ar Rutba", written in 1236 and a copy of which, dating from the fifteenth century, is in Sarajevo in Yugoslavia9.1°. These elements made it possible for the Islamic medicine to expand very quickly and, as far back as the tenth century, famous names were noted; I-Razi in Iran, al-Macoudy and Ibn al Abbas in Iraq, Ibn al Jazzar in Morroco, Abulcases in Spain.

Europe was given the benefit of this development, as there are many Europeans in the Islamic schools and more particularly in Cordova in Spain. The most famous ones are; Gerber d' Aurillac, Gerard de Cremone, Arnaud de Villeneuve, Constantine I'African etc...

The first medical schools in Europe became famous thanks to the Islamic medicine. The first school the Salernitan school in Italy, Montpellier and Paris in France.

THE SA ERNITAN SCHOOL

In Salerno, the patients were looked after in a convent founded in the ninth century. The healing monks i itated a monk living in the neighborhood, in the convent of Monte Cassino; he was called Desire and he had written a book, the title of which was "The medical miracles of Saint Benoit". He is famous, because he became later Pope Victor VIII. The reputation of Salerno remained local until the end of the eleventh century.

In 1077, Constantine, called "the African", arrived in Salerno. As he was born in Cartage, he had learnt medicine during his trip in Egypt, in Syria and in India. The story goes, that he was in Baghdad, where he studied Mesue and Serapion.

He had translated the books of Ali ben al Abbas, the most important one being "Almalak" made up of ten volumes of theoretical medicine and of ten volumes of practical medicine, without giving the name of the author. He had also translated a treatise on the ophthalmology of Honnein and the Viaticus of Ibn al Jazzar. He practiced medicine as he had learnt it in the Islamic schools. This practice was new in Salerno; its medicaments too. Shortly, and thanks to this medicine, he became very famous. Then he organize the Salernitan School, imitating the Islamic medical schools of the East and of Spain. "The studies took place either in the library or in the hospital and the student was directed in his work by a group of teachers". The Salernitan School became famous thanks to this new organization and to this new medicine.

As regards the program of the school, it included not only the works translated by Constantine but also a few books written by the teachers of Salerno but "in which signs of Arab influence are often found". The most famous books are;

De Aegritudinum Curatione -it is an anonymous book made up of two parts; the first one deals with illnesses from the head to the foot. The second one includes comments and explanations made by the seven teachers of the school. The resemblance of the first part to the works of al-Razi, Ibn Sina and Ibn al-Jazzar is obvious.

The Liber Simplici Medicina, also called the Circa Instans, which is only an updated translation of the book of Constantine de Gradibus Simplicium, this being also a translation of some Arab works.

The Antidotarium includes a few recipes copied out from the works of Galen, as well as many Arab pharmaceutic prescriptions.

In short, we can say with Turchini, that the coming of the Islamic medicine in Salerno has been a fundamental element in the development of the school, in its brightening up and in its celebrity.

The success of the Salernitan School has encouraged the creation of other schools and their organization on the same lines. The most famous schools were: Bologna, Padua, Pisa and Naples in Italy, Montpellie and Paris in France.

THE SCHOOL OF MONTPELLIER

At the end of the twelfth century, medicine was practiced by the monks of the convents, by some Islamic doctors living here and by a few Jews, more particularly after many of them had left Spain, just as the Almohades came into power in 1147.

The anarchy dominated the practice of medicine at this time. Anybody could open a school to teach medicine and look after the patients.

In 1220, Cardinal Conrad, the Legate of Pope Honorius III, brought this disorder to and end by creating the medical school of Montepellier and by organizing it on the lines of the Arab medical schools. In this way, nobody could practice medicine without having the authorization granted by a jury coonsisting of scientists and presided over by a religious.

At this time there were 16 teaching books, 13 of which were books of Islamic medicine. These books were;

The Canon of Avicenna: the Antidotarium, the Continent, the Al-Mansouri and the Aphorisms of Rhazes, as well as the treatise about Pestilence; the guide of doctors and the spring water, the book of fevers by Isaad; the Isagoge of Honein, the translations of Constantine (Ibn Al Abbas, Mesue and Ibn Al Jazzar), the Techne, De Morbo et Accidenti of GAlen; the Aphorisms of Hippocrates.

During all the thirteenth and the fourteenth centuries, the Islamic medicine was the most important subject in the teaching program of the medical school of Montpellier. The teachers commented on Avicenna, they explained Rahazes, Mesue etc... Galen was quoted from time to time Hippocrates was rarely quoted. As regards the other Greek doctors, they wrere purely and simply unknown."
Among the most famous teachers, there were Arnaud de Viulleneuve, Ermengaud Blein, Pierre de Capestang, Jean Jacme and other ones, who were called the Arabic Scholars, as they taught the Arab medicine to the exclusion of any other one.

"The book of the lessons and keys" in the Records of the University, gives us a precise idea about the programs of the school of Montpellier from 1489 to 1500.

and we see:

1. that the works of Avicenna had the lion's share from 1489 to 1500 and that it is only from 1500, that the works of Galen superseded, for teaching, the ones of Avicenna.

2. that Hippocrates did not have the importance given to him by the Westerners.

Even after 1500, the Islamic medicine was still taught in Montpellier and it had still its defenders. We fi d a typical example in the book of Austruc16, "Rene Moreau, a teacher of the University, reproached Jacobus Sylvius, another teacher of Montpellier for being a follower of the Arabs and of the Barbarians and for not attending to Hippocrates or to Galen. In the same way, he repooached the uni- versity of Montpellier for its taste for the Arab medicine, what proves that, even in the middle of the sixteenth century, the Arab medicine exercised an important influence in Montpellier". Moreover, Astruc says, 'surely, Montpellier had taught the Arab medicine for a long time. It was not in a position to teach other medicines. This fondness for the Arab medicine was common to all the universities".

  1. This enables us to say, that the Arab medicine accompanied the school of Montpellier from its creation the second half of the sixteenth century .It made it possible for the school of Montpellier to develo , to open out and to become a scientific centre, not only in France but also in Europe, towards which students and patients made their way.

THE SCHOOL OF PARIS

The phenomenon, which occured in Salerno and in Montpellier, also occured in Paris and the program of the school of Paris was identical with the one of Montpellier. We shall not come back to that, especially as one of the most famous teachers of Paris was Gilles de Corbeil, and old Salernitan. But we give an example confirming, what has been previously said: in 1395, the library of the school of Paris ad eight books17, five of which being books of Arab medicine: the Concordance of Jean de Saint Aiman , the Concordance of Jean de Saint Flour, the Usu Particum of Galen, "the Simple" of Mesue and th Practice of Mesue, the Theriaca and the Antidotarium of Abulcasis, as well as the precious one, the most beautiful and the most remarkable jewel of the university, the Totum Continens of Rhazes, We know the history of this book with Louis XI, who wanted to have a copy of the Continent in his library. He adked the library of the school of Paris for this book on loan. This was authorized, after stormy discussions, for a deposit of twelve silver plate sets and hundred gold crowns. This gives and idea about the value and the importance of the Islamic works.

This paper gives us an idea about the part played by the Islamic medicine in the creation of the European medical schools. We can also say, that without the Islamic medicine, the Islamic hospitals, the Islamic pharmacies and the medical schools, the Salernitan school and the school of Montpellier would probably never have been created.

The m vement started in Salerno and in Montpellier covered the whole of Europe very quickly and, at the end of the Middle Ages, there were eighty universities in Europe, nineteen of which were French ones. Each year, they brought multitude of scientists, doctors, pharmacists, surgeons and philosophers such as Roger Bacon, Guy de Chauliac, Thomas Alquin Henri de Mondeville, and other ones, who have created a scientific movement and a cultural movement, which were the ferment of what became the Renaissance later. In short, we can assert two things:

1. The Islamic medicine has been an essential element of the European Renaissance.

2. We do not find in the most French works any proof of recognition.

REFERENCES

· SANURJO D'ARELLANO: Histoire generale de la pharmacie et de l'art dentaire. on I, p 511.

· WINTER PIERRE: Histoire generale de la medecine, de la pharmacie et de l'art dentaire, tom. II, p44, Ed Alban Michel, 1936- Paris.

· BARRIETY Maurice et COURY ch.: Histoire de la medecine, Ed. Fayard 1963 - Paris; P. 262, 280.

· CASTIGLIONI A. : Histoire de la medecine Ed. Payot 1931 - Paris: P.259.262

· REUTER DE ROSEMONT: Histoire de la pharmacie dans les premiers siecles du Moyen-Age - Paris 1931 tom.I.

· AIMES ALEXANDRE: GUY DE CHAULIAC, pere de la chirurgie moderne, MONSPELIENSIS HIPPOCRATES 6th yr. NO. 18-1962.

· barbillon l.: hISTOIRE DE LA MEDECINE, p.35-pARIS 1886eD. dupret

· SOUBIRAN A.: AVICENNE et la medecie - 1970 - tom. XX No. 204

· ELEZAR ET DURCIC: In ZUR GESCHICHTE DER PHARMAZIE BERLIN, 1959 No.3

· E.H. GUITARD: REVUE histoire de la pharmacie - 1970 - tom. XX No. 204.

· WINTER PIERRE: La medecine au Moyen-Age. HIstoire generale de la medecine et de la pharmacie. tom. II-page 37-Albin Michel 1936.

· TURCHIN JEAM: Salerne et Montpellier dans MONSPELKLIENSIS HIPPOCRATES. 4th year - NO. 14 - 1961-P4.

· HARANT HERYE: La medecine arabe a Montepellier - extrait des cahiers de Tunisie 1955.

· BORIES MARCEL: Les universites du Languedoc au XIII siecle. Cahiers de FANJEAUX. 1970-Ed. Privat, No. 5.

· DULIEU LOUIS: La medecine arabe a Montpellier - extrait des cahiers de Tunisie 1955.

· ASTRUC JEAN - Memoires pour servir a I'histoire de la faculte de Montpellier. Livre 5-1767-Archives de la bibiotheque de Montpellier.

· SABATIER J.C.: Recherches historiques sur la faculte de medecine de Paris. 1837 - P. 10 - Ed. Baillere, Paris.

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